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Managed Care . . . Managed Preventiond

Interaction Between Managed Care and Prevention Resources: A Preliminary Analysis of Eight Models
By MICHAEL J. STOIL, Ph.D. and GARY A. HILL, Ph.D.
© 1996 Conwal Incorporated

Casual observation suggests that many managed health care providers are active in health promotion and preventive care. Preliminary results from a survey in progress of prevention in the managed care environment led to identification of eight distinct models of interaction between managed care and prevention. These eight models differ on the basis of the scope, duration, and locus of responsibility for performance of prevention activities, and on the locus of responsibility for planning and decision making in prevention.

Background: Hidden Prevention in Managed Care

Mainstream health care in the U.S. formerly centered on insuring individuals against the risk of serious illness. Health care financing mechanisms were designed to respond to insurable events: the relatively rare incidents of care that generate major cost for the patient. As a result, private healthcare focused on use of the most costly, end-stage interventions for all conditions (Warner 1996). Prevention and health promotion existed under this system primarily as interventions supported by taxpayer dollars and charitable contributions. Thus, school health, hygiene training during military service, infectious disease screening and control, environmental health regulation, and population-based health education provided a core of "free" prevention services for most Americans, regardless of insurance status.

During the 1980s, economic, political, and social forces attacked this dichotomy between insurance-financed care of medical conditions and preventive care financed by other sources. The cost of medical treatment and the burden of using insured care to subsidize the end-stage treatment of the uninsured began to price traditional health insurance out of the range of affordability for most payers. This was particularly true in mental health and addiction medicine, where private sector costs rose an average of 20 percent per year between 1983 and 1988 (Freeman and Trabin 1994). At the same time, the cost of reaching most Americans with effective prevention for a growing set of behavioral health conditions began to exceed the willingness of the public to support continual increases in taxes and charitable contributions (Goplerud 1995).

Managed health care has been heralded as a solution to these issues. The exciting promise of managed health care is that medical practice will replace emphasis on the costly work of responding to illness with emphasis on the cost efficient task of promoting wellness. This promise is not always fulfilled, in part because managed care does not take full advantage of risk reduction/health promotion resources already in the community. In fact, managed care has developed a reputation of being obsessed with reducing costs through denying treatment rather than promoting health.

Casual observation offers evidence that this reputation is undeserved. Managed care organizations participate in community health fairs and annually mail millions of dollars of health education materials to their catchment areas. In 1994, Dr. Helen Schauffler of the School of Public Health at the University of California at Berkeley, discovered health promotion screenings and health education opportunities were widely available through the twenty managed care plans serving members of the California Public Employees' Retirement System (CalPERS). In addition, a survey of 27,000 plan members revealed a direct relationship between member satisfaction with the managed care plans and access to preventive services, even when relatively few individuals take advantage of the services (Schauffler 1995).

Despite this activity, even managed care organizations often are quick to deny that they provide preventive care. This is especially true in behavioral health, including mental health promotion and prevention of addictive disorders, as we learned from the experience of attempting to collect information from managed health care providers. In November 1995, Conwal first attempted to survey health maintenance organizations (HMO's) on their support for "substance abuse prevention." The providers contacted declared that all substance abuse services were the responsibility of a contractor designated by the HMO to provide behavioral health services. Such specialty contractors are known in the industry as "behavioral health carve-outs." The "carve-out" providers, in turn, denied responsibility for activities other than capitated treatment of mental health disorders and substance abuse disorders. Thus, very few of the entities surveyed claimed to be providing preventive health services.

A very different picture emerged after we changed the survey process to ask managed care organizations about support for specific health promotion activities. Such queries often led to an interview with a source of information outside of the medical department, such as a member relations or community affairs office within the HMO. In forty percent of 200 firms selected for contact, these sources reported offering at least general health promotion activities, although individual companies often were reluctant to provide details of what they perceived as a marketing advantage over their competitors (see Figure 1).

Preliminary survey results revealed that health promotion often is a hidden asset of the managed care environment. Prevention and health promotion typically are separated from other health care services and frequently provided outside the purview of clinical professionals. The quality and outcomes of these services conducted in the managed care environment represent one of the great unknowns of the transformation of the American system of health care delivery.

Methodology of Development of the Eight Models

The second objective of the Conwal survey was identification of the organizational "home" of prevention and health promotion within HMO's. In Conwal's preliminary survey of 200 HMOs, the respondents were asked follow-up questions regarding the nature and organization of prevention activities whenever they were willing to discuss specific prevention or health promotion services. These follow-up questions included the following:

  • What specific prevention/behavioral health promotion services are offered?
  • Who provides the prevention/health promotion services?
  • Who decides which prevention services are supported?
  • Are there restrictions on who receives the services (selected patients, all patients, community populations, etc.)?
  • How are prevention activities funded?
  • Who decides how long a specific service will be offered?

Responses to these questions led to identification of four "dimensions" which seemed to vary most extensively among managed health care providers efforts to secure prevention and health promotion services. These four are:

  • Scope of Prevention Services. In some situations, managed care entities (or another decision maker) define the prevention/health promotion services offered to a patient population, e.g., school-based education and well-child health screenings. This effectively specifies a limited set of activities. In other situations, a managed health care provider's acceptance of generalized support for prevention has no initial limitation on the scope of services to be provided but effectively translates into specific services over time.
  • Duration of Services. The managed care entity's support for prevention is either defined by a specific duration of commitment to a program (e.g., one year, one contract period, etc.) or reflects an ongoing program of undefined duration.
  • Locus of Responsibility for Providing Prevention Services. Prevention/health promotion services can be performed by a provider within the managed care network (e.g., a primary care clinician or a specialized employee or division of the managed care entity), by a non-network provider (e.g., community-based nonprofit, outside contractor, government agency), or by a combination of the two.
  • Responsibility for Prevention Planning and Decision-making. Selection of the prevention and health promotion services to be provided, the provider and setting of services, and the clients to be helped can be made by the health care purchaser, by the managed care organization, by community or governmental agencies, or by the collective decision making of more than one of these groups.

In addition to the survey respondents, presentations by managed care representatives at national forums also were reviewed to classify more examples of managed care support for prevention along these four "dimensions."

This process resulted in a taxonomy of models describing patterns of managed healthcare involvement in prevention. As shown in Figure 2, each of the eight models differs from the other seven along at least one of the four "dimensions" described above. The models summarize evolving and often poorly-defined real-world relationships between managed care providers and prevention, as follows:

1) Revenue Center Model - in which a buyer of health care services explicitly purchases prevention interventions from the managed health care entity;

2) Prevention Subcontractor Model - in which specific prevention services are contracted by the managed health care provider to community resources;

3) Prevention "Carve-Out" Model - in which the managed health care provider contributes to support of a designated specialty provider for prevention services;

4) Community Patron Model - in which prevention serves as a philanthropic commitment of either the managed health care provider or its individual staff members;

5) Case Referral Model - in which the managed health care provider refers patients to community behavioral health resources without directly compensating the service providers;

6) Strategic Investment Model - in which the managed health care provider invests in prevention as a long-term community or patient benefit;

7) Collaborative Model - in which prevention represents full collaboration between the managed health care provider and community-based organizations and/or public sector;

8) Integrated Services Model - in which community-based prevention is an integral component of the managed care provider.

At this preliminary stage of research, the models are designed to be descriptive rather than analytical. For example, because the survey did not reflect a representative sample of the managed health care industry, it is impossible to determine whether a particular model of prevention is more or less frequently employed than other models. Future research may incorporate the eight models as a useful "short-hand" to describe complex relationships between clinical services and prevention/ health promotion services in the managed care environment.

A final caveat: No health care provider consciously decides to adopt a "revenue center model" or any of the other seven models of interaction with prevention. In fact, a single managed health care provider may be involved in a variety of relationships with prevention that reflect multiple models of interaction. The eight models describe recurring patterns but do not limit health care providers to any one of these patterns.

Descriptions of the Eight Models

Within the restrictions outlined above, the following can be considered a provisional "field guide" to the types of relationships observed between managed health care providers and prevention/health promotion services.

Revenue Center Model.
In the Revenue Center model, prevention and health promotion services are performed because a purchaser explicitly pays for them. This arrangement provides the managed care organization with a direct financial incentive for offering the services. One example of this arrangement identified through the survey was a firm that contracts directly with worksites to provide fully-staffed employee assistance programs with prevention components as part of the overall health care benefits package. Other examples included several managed care entities that negotiated grants or cooperative agreements with the government to conduct community health screenings.

The Revenue Center model limits both the scope and duration of prevention services to the terms negotiated by the purchaser. For example, when the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention negotiate a cooperative agreement with a managed care organization to provide a demonstration of health care screenings, the agreement generally defines the content and format of the screenings (including service delivery settings and personnel), the population to be served (including target numbers), and a fixed term for completion of the demonstration and preparation of a final report. Little is left either to chance or to the discretion of the individual clinician.

Under the Revenue Center model, prevention services are provided by the managed care network because the network must justify the funds spent on the services and must meet specified standards of preventive care. These standards are at least tacitly approved by the purchaser, so that the ultimate responsibility for prevention planning and decision making lies outside of the managed care network.

The Revenue Center model is attractive for outcome research. The managed care organization's unique ability to control both the quality of service delivery and access to care makes this model useful to investigators attempting to assess the effectiveness of specific health promotion interventions.

Prevention Subcontractor Model.
This model describes a relationship in which a managed health care provider purchases specific prevention services through an agreement with a community-based organization. Unlike the Revenue Center model, the prevention services are provided by an out-of-network resource but are selected by the managed care network. In effect, use of this model treats prevention and health promotion as the equivalent of other out-of-network health care services. such as surgery or psychiatry.

Examples of this model identified through the survey include HMO contracts with a nonprofit women's health organization to offer post-operative emotional counseling and postpartum classes. In another example, a managed care provider of Medicaid services contracted with a local nonprofit group to provide outreach and health promotion to a local immigrant community.

Specific contract terms varied widely. In some cases, payments from a managed care firm to a prevention subcontractor were use-sensitive (e.g., discounted fee-for-service). In other examples, payments took the form of an annual retainer that allowed all of the managed care provider's patients to access the prevention services.

As with other contracts for out-of-network services, managed care organizations in the Prevention Subcontractor model retain gatekeeper and quality controls; access to services by patients may be capitated or otherwise controlled by the managed care provider. The services to be compensated by the managed care organization usually are specified in the contract; unless a renewal is negotiated, prevention services end at the conclusion of the agreement.

The Prevention Subcontractor model allows the managed health care organization to retain responsibility for most decisions affecting its support for prevention services for its patients. The managed care organization specifies the interventions to be provided, the settings to be used, and the populations to be served. Renewal establishes a potential window for quality review, changes in providers, and even elimination of the services. The managed care organization also is able to use its patient data base to monitor the outcome of the interventions. Nevertheless, the community-based organization retains significant autonomy and can refuse to renew a contractual relationship that either fails to provide fair compensation or is too restrictive.

Prevention "Carve-out" Model.
In this model, preventive interventions are provided by an organization that functions like a prevention "carve-out.". Unlike the Prevention Subcontractor Model, a health care purchaser—a government agency or business health care buying cooperative—selects the prevention "carve-out" and negotiates the scope of services. The primary health care organizations' relationship with the "carve-out" may be limited to a mandated financial contribution to prevention services. The "carve-out" also may be subsidized by funds in addition to managed care contributions, thus further reducing the potential influence of the primary managed care organizations on prevention services.

In one example of the Prevention Carve-Out Model, the dominant business health purchasing coalition in a Midwestern state requires all primary care providers interested in serving their employees to contribute a set fee per covered life to a behavioral health firm. The behavioral health firm provides worksite prevention services for all coalition members, with the quality and content of the interventions chosen by the health care purchasing coalition. Other examples of the model were legislated by one state's Medicaid reform; every managed care organization that received monopoly responsibility for Medicaid clinical services in a region of the state was required to make a per capita contribution to a nonprofit agency responsible for behavioral health promotion in the region.

The public or private sector health purchasers retain effective quality control over prevention services performed in the Prevention Carve-Out model by having periodic review and renewal of the carve-out relationship. For the managed care organization, the model transforms prevention services into merely one more required cost of doing business rather than an intrinsic part of the network's health care continuum.

Case Referral Model.
In this model, the managed health care organization has no contractual relationship with the prevention services. Instead, the managed health care organization has a policy of referring patients, as appropriate, to the community-based groups for specific preventive interventions. The primary care provider may advise community-based groups of the intent to refer patients or may request permission to refer patients to the group. Providers may even offer a donation to community-based groups selected for referral, but there is no explicit quid pro quo involved and groups receiving such donations have no opportunity to negotiate.

The Conwal survey identified an HMO that referred patients that may benefit from parenting education to free classes provided by Child and Family Services, funded as a community service by United Way and local government. In another example of the model, a behavioral health carve-out referred patients who did not qualify for inpatient care to self-pay outpatient services operated by affiliates of the National Council on Alcohol and Other Drug Dependency (NCADD). The carve-out offered a standard $1,000 annual donation to each NCADD affiliate in its service area, regardless of whether any patients used the community-subsidized services.

For the Case Referral Model to work, the managed care provider only is required to identify and track groups that perform specific preventive services that may be useful to patients. Even this limited function may be ineffective: follow-up from the Conwal survey found that an HMO referred patients to "free" adolescent substance abuse prevention classes provided by a community group which had not in fact offered the classes for nearly five years. This example underscored that the Case Referral Model provides no gatekeeper control or quality oversight for prevention services and relies on the serendipitous availability of resources within the community for determining the scope of prevention interventions.

Community Patron Model.
In this model, individuals employed by a managed health care provider donate time and skills to community-based prevention services as they would to any other community project, e.g., Girl Scouts, Little League, church group. The managed care organization also may provide support in the form of employee comp time, access to underutilized resources (e.g., photocopying, loans of a conference room for meetings), travel expenses, or a philanthropic grant from affiliated charitable foundation. In either case, the relationship does not distinguish managed health care providers from any other type of business that supports community prevention as an acceptable charity.

Examples of the Community Patron Model identified in the survey included:

  • The headquarters office of a national managed care organization that donates charitable grants to nonprofit community groups in the host city funded the local community prevention coalition and another charity involved in adolescent drug prevention activities.
  • A CEO of a managed care firm serves as the volunteer chairman of a city sub-stance abuse prevention partnership; the firm donates his time and travel expenses to attend two annual national meetings of community prevention partnerships.
  • The hospital component of an HMO donates occasional use of its auditorium for large group parent training sessions.

The Community Patron model provides the managed care firm with potential influence over the prevention resources available within a community, but it does not ensure that the resources meet the needs of the patients. In fact, the managed care entity is not inherently more influential than any other large source of donations. There is no certainty of either the quality or scope of services provided. Even the duration of the managed health care organization's involvement in community-based prevention depends primarily on personal commitment of individual staff members or on the changing preferences of corporate philanthropy.

Strategic Investment Model.
In this model, the managed care organization's investment in prevention for covered lives or its investment in community-based prevention is based on a long-term corporate commitment in population health. The managed care entity does not anticipate either a direct short-term financial return or a specific short-term improvement in the health of specific patients. Instead, activities are selected because they are assumed to contribute to long-range goals for the company or the host community.

Examples of the Strategic Investment Model identified through the HMO survey included distribution of a periodic health education newsletter to patients or to the catchment area, leadership in an area-wide campaign to promote helmet use for bicyclists, and organization of worksite health fairs.

The Strategic Investment Model is characterized by support for a broad, potentially unlimited range of prevention and health promotion activities as part of an ongoing effort of indeterminate duration. The managed health care organization is responsible for both the performance and the planning for prevention services. How-ever, the prevention and health promotion services may be directed by administrative offices responsible for long-term corporate development (e.g., "member services," "public relations," "public affairs," or sales/marketing) rather than by the medical department. As a result, activities conducted in the Strategic Investment Model may be selected for visibility rather than explicitly chosen for effectiveness.

Collaborative Model. In a small number of examples, prevention decisions are made by a consensus between representatives of the managed health care environment and representatives of nonprofit groups or government. In this model, all elements of community prevention and health promotion may be negotiated including cost-sharing, leadership responsibilities, the selection of specific interventions, populations to be served, etc.

In one state, HMO's were recruited into a coordinated anti-smoking campaign that included health departments and community-based organizations. Another state mandates regional prevention coordination and planning between representatives of the managed health care entities with patients in the region and the local health departments.

In theory, the Collaborative Model promotes a comprehensive prevention agenda, with no clear limits on either the scope or duration of activities. There is at least potential to integrate public and private funding for prevention by merging government funds with financial contributions from the managed care environment. In operation, however, collaboration often resulted only in development of a long-range plan and implementation of a "project of the year" chosen largely for its public relations value. The few examples of this model suffered from an unwieldy decision-making process, in part because the individuals involved lacked the authority to commit their organizations to a course of action.

Integrated Services Model.
Although similar to the Collaborative Model, the Integrated Services Model places the decision-making process for prevention within the network of a managed care environment. In effect, the model provides individual and population-based prevention services with co-equal status to clinical services.

Only two examples of the model have been identified. In one example, the acquisition of a nonprofit network of behavioral health treatment and prevention providers by a full-service managed care entity resulted in the organization operating a seven-community prevention coalition funded in part by federal government grants. The newly-enlarged managed care organization chose to continue providing the organizational framework for the prevention coalition and has since moved to integrate prevention planning into its existing clinical operations. The other example of the Integrated Services Model is a prevention coalition staffed and largely directed by the community/civic affairs division of a hospital-based managed care network.

In both examples of the Integrated Services Model, transformation of the clinical services of the managed care organization through the development of staff competency in prevention has become a key component of the organization's health promotion agenda. Other prevention and health promotion activities, however, may be conducted through shared responsibilities between the managed health care environment and non-network providers. The long-term goal is to recruit community resources to serve as a full partner in comprehensive, population-based prevention and health promotion, with decision-making dominated by the health care system because of its technical expertise in the selection of effective interventions.

Conclusion
The Integrated Services Model and the Collaborative Model would appear to approach acceptance by the managed care environment of the traditional role of the public health system. They have the potential to foster a comprehensive health care agenda that integrates professional and community resources, as well as clinical and preventive services, under the guidance of health professionals.

The other models of interaction between the managed care environment and prevention services all involve some compromises. In four of the models (Revenue Center, Prevention Carve-Out, Case Referral, and Community Patron), the responsibility for determining the activities to be performed and the populations to be served lies outside of the managed care environment. Four of the models (Revenue Center, Prevention Subcontractor, Prevention Carve-Out, and Community Patron) limit the scope of support to preventive interventions to a specific period of time. These limitations may not harm the goal of long-term prevention, but they maintain a clear separation between clinical procedures under managed care and preventive interventions. This separation must be bridged if managed care is to live up to its promise of changing the practice of medicine from responding to illness to promoting wellness.

Why do managed care entities permit the maintenance of the separation between treatment and preventive interventions? One reason is that managed care firms compete primarily by offering treatment resources. A managed care network fully staffed with social workers and lifestyle specialists but with no family practice doctors is not viable; a network that offers family practice doctors without social workers and lifestyle specialists is feasible. Managed care firms also may be uncomfortable with "soft" outcome measures for prevention and the absence of behavioral health promotion protocols. In addition, the firms may be inexperienced in working with the populations at-risk who are appropriate for targeted preventive interventions in behavioral health. As these issues change over time, managed health care firms may face greater internal and external pressure to move toward integration of preventive and clinical care.

References

Freeman, M.A., and Trabin, T. (1994) Managed behavioral health care: History, models, key issues, and future course. Rockville, MD: Center for Mental Health Services, Substance Abuse and Mental Services Administration.

Goplerud, E. (1995) Managed care for mental health and substance abuse services. Rockville, MD: SAMHSA Managed Care Initiative, Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration.

Schauffler, H. H. (1995) Consumerism in managed care. Plenary address to The Second Annual From Managed Care to Managed Health Conference of the Park Nicollet Foundation, September 22, Bloomington, Minnesota.

Warner, K. E. (1996) All that is gold does not glitter: The economics of health education and health promotion. Address to the National Conference on Health Promotion and Health Education (NCHPHE), April 26, Washington, D.C.

.........................

Figure 1.
Responses to Second Iteration of Conwal Survey
of HMO Support for Preventive Interventions

 

HMO doesn't support prevention

5    
 

HMO supports/conducts prevention

81 

   
 

Firm unreachable

11 

   
 

No response 

103 

   
 



Survey Results By Region
  Region Firm not
reachable
Doesn't
support
prevention
Supports
unspecified
prevention
Specified
prevention
activities
TOTAL
 

Great Lakes

3 2 7 8 20 
 

Mid-Atlantic

4 - 4 9 17
 

New England
+ NY

- 1 10 13 24
 

North Central

- - 2 2 4
 

Pacific

1 - 3 - 4
 

Southeast

3 1 19 9 23
 

Southwest

- 1 1 3 5
 

ALL

11 5 17 44 97
             
 


Figure 2.
The Eight Models of Managed Care
Organization-Prevention Interaction

     

Scope of Activities

   
     

Preset Limit

No Set Limits 

   
 

Revenue Center

x

     
 

Prevention Subcontractor

x

     
 

Prevention Carve-Out

x

     
 

Case Referral

x

     
 

Community Patrol

 

x

   
 

Strategic Investment

 

x

   
 

Collaborative

 

x

   
 

Integrated Services

 

x

   
             
     

Duration of Activities

   
     

Preset Limit

No Set Limits

   
 

Revenue Center

x

     
 

Prevention Subcontractor

x

     
 

Prevention Carve-Out

x

     
 

Case Referral

 

x

   
 

Community Patrol

x

     
 

Strategic Investment

 

x

   
 

Collaborative

 

x

   
 

Integrated Services

 

x

   
             
     

Responsibility for Service Delivery

 
     

MCO Only

Out of
Network Only

Shared
by Both

 
 

Revenue Center

x

     
 

Prevention Subcontractor

 

x

   
 

Prevention Carve-Out

 

x

   
 

Case Referral

 

x

   
 

Community Patrol

 

x

   
 

Strategic Investment

x

     
 

Collaborative

   

x

 
 

Integrated Services

   

x

 
             
......................     

 Responsibility for Prevention Decisionmaking

   

Health Care
Buyer

MCO Only

Community
Organization

Collective
Decision

 

Revenue Center

x

     
 

Prevention Subcontractor

 

x

   
 

Prevention Carve-Out

x

     
 

Case Referral

   

x

 
 

Community Patrol

   

x

 
 

Strategic Investment

 

x

   
 

Collaborative

     

x

 

Integrated Services

 

x

   
             


 

 

 

.

Drug Abuse Prevention Among Young Adults
Myths, Reality, and SAMHSA's Answer to a Critical Need
By MICHAEL J. STOIL, Ph.D.
Senior Research Analyst
Conwal Incorporated

The national investment in prevention science has exploded many myths regarding the natural history of substance abuse, including assumptions about the potential impact of drug abuse prevention among adults. This concept paper uses the most up-to-date evidence to explain why effective drug abuse prevention among 18- to 25 year-old adults is critically needed. It also suggests SAMHSA/ CSAP can strengthen its role as an agency serving the young adult population.

Myth: Drug Use Is A Teenage Behavior
Reality: Most Drug Users Are Young Adults

The 1996 National Household Survey on Drug Abuse (NHSDA) estimates that 13 million Americans used an illicit drug during the past 30 days. Only 2 million (15%) were between the ages of 12 and 17. More than 4.3 million (33%) were between the ages of 18 and 25 years. Young adults comprise the largest group of current drug users.

Approximately 9% of all 12-to-17 year old youth used an illicit drug during the past 30 days. By comparison, more than 15% of all adults aged 18 to 25 years used an illicit drug during the past 30 days. Young adults are more likely than teenagers to be current drug users.

Occasional use also is widespread among young adults. The survey estimates that 1.7 million teenagers (7.5% of all Americans aged 12-to-17 years) who did not use any drugs during the past 30 days tried an illicit drug at least once during the past year. By comparison, 3.1 million young adults (11.2% of all Americans aged 18-to-25 years) who did not use drugs during the past 30 days tried an illicit drug at least once during the past year.

Myth: Initiation of Drug Use Ends in High School
Reality: Millions of Americans First Use Drugs After Completing High School
Theories of the natural history of drug use focus on life transitions as crucial points for initiation of substance abuse. Two such transition periods are early adolescence (ages 10 through 12) when children leave elementary school and direct caregiver supervision, and experience major physical and emotional changes, and late adolescence (ages 13 through 15), when children enter high school. Popular concepts of prevention often depict these as the only significant transition periods for preventing drug use. Some prevention programs imply there is little likelihood that an individual will ever use drugs if they do not initiate use by age 18.

Figure 1. Percent of Respondents Reporting Any
Illicit Drug Use During Lifetime
National Survey Results from the Monitoring the Future Study, Volume II, 1993

Chart of Illicit Drug Use

In fact, there is another critical period for initiation of drug use: the transition to independent living that occurs after graduation from high school, when young adults enter college, the armed forces, or the workforce. Available data indicate that roughly 40% of people who used any illicit drug by age 30 (exclusive of underage use of alcohol) first used the drug after their 18th birthday. Nearly one-third first used after their 21st birthday.

As shown in Figure 1, the Monitoring the Future study conducted annually by the University of Michigan, under contract to the National Institute on Drug Abuse, suggests that half of all Americans graduating high school without ever having used an illicit drug may try a drug for the first time during the next 10 years. In fact, the biggest "jump" in initiation of drug use comes between the ages of 20 and 24 (18% of all respondents or roughly 1.2 million Americans). Very few Americans initiate drug use after age 28 years.

Initiation of use of specific drugs historically followed this pattern. A majority of marijuana users, for example, first smoked the drug after graduating high school. Similarly, survey data indicate that the majority of the estimated 22 million Americans who ever used cocaine first used the drug after their 22nd birthday.

Myth: Success in Keeping Teenagers Drug-Free Will Reduce Drug Use Rates Among Young Adults
Reality: "Drug-Free" Teenagers of 1990 Have Become Today's Drug-Using Young Adults

As shown in Figures 2 and 3, the success achieved in reaching historic low rates of drug use among teenagers during the late 1980s and early 1990s did not translate into low drug use rates when the teenagers reached young adulthood. Instead, the "drug-free" teens of 1990 now use drugs and alcohol at approximately the same rate as earlier generations. Follow-up research by M.A. Pentz, principal investigator of the Midwest Prevention Project, confirms that low rates of drug use observed among participants in Project STAR and I- STAR dissipated after graduation from high school. (Presentation on data to the Public-Private Behavioral Health Care Summit, May 1998, Arlington, VA.)

Myth: Adults Who Use Drugs Need Treatment...Not Prevention
Reality: Employers, Healthcare Professionals and Community Activists Need Prevention/Drug Awareness Services For Young Adults
"Drug treatment" is the term applied to treatment for dependence on a drug. Modern treatment for dependence often includes administration of potent medication, extensive psychotherapy, laboratory testing of urine or hair samples, and other services that help patients and their family members adjust to the recovery process. When dependence clearly does not exist, "drug treatment" is not indicated. An individual without drug dependence who is admitted to "drug treatment" may be wasting limited treatment resources and be disruptive to the progress of other patients.

Figure 2. Youth Reporting Any Illicit Drug Use During Past Month

Drug Use over the Past Month

Figure 3. Youth Reporting Marijuana Use During Past Month

Marajuana Use of the young in the past Month

The most popular illicit drug is marijuana: in 1994, NHSDA reported that 62.8% of current adult drug users used no illicit drug other than marijuana. An additional 20.5% used marijuana as well as another drug. The 1996 NHSDA estimated that 3.7 million Americans between 18 and 25 years old used marijuana on at least 12 occasions during the past year. At least 1.2 million (32%) of these smoke marijuana less frequently than once per week. In effect, the survey data indicate that about one-third of young adult marijuana users smoke the drug infrequently and will not benefit from the intensity of treatment for drug dependence.

Young adults are an important part of the workplace and of employee-provided health care: their behavior affects managed care costs, worker compensation rates, and workplace productivity. A 1997 SAMHSA Analysis of Worker Drug Use and Workplace Policies and Programs states that "among the total number of current [adult] illicit drug users 13 percent were unemployed, 17 percent were part-time workers, and almost 70 percent were full-time workers." In other words, most adult illicit drug users are employed full-time and are covered under employer-provided health insurance. For this reason, managed healthcare organizations and employers seek guidance on effective prevention and early intervention for young adults, so that their problems do not progress to the point at which accidents occur or treatment is necessary.

Most Americans become parents for the first time between the ages of 20 and 34. Their substance-related behavior and attitudes will be the single most important influence on youth drug use during the next century. In addition, community activists trying to address drug and alcohol problems through policy changes need the support of young adults to ensure that these policies are observed in practice. Reinforcement of antidrug patterns among young parents now, including those who rarely use illicit drugs, will determine whether the cycle of drug use that has afflicted this country will end or will continue beyond the year 2010.

Myth: Prevention Doesn't Work With Adults
Reality: Controlled Studies Document That Prevention Can Be Effective Among Adults

Most scientific studies of successful prevention of substance abuse among young adult populations focus on reduction of tobacco use, alcohol abuse, and alcohol-related problems. A growing body of literature documents that prevention techniques can reduce rates of illicit drug use among adults. Examples of these studies include:

  • EAPA Exchange (1992) Conoco, HAI release data. EAPA EXCHANGE. 22(5):48-50 (October). Documents reduction of assessed need for treatment among substance-abusing employees through the use of an EAP with prevention/early intervention services.
  • J.P. Hoffman, C. Larison, and A. Sanderson. (1997) AN ANALYSIS OF WORKER DRUG USE AND WORKPLACE POLICIES AND PROGRAMS. Rockville, MD: Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Provides data indicating that access to deterrent policies and preventive services of an EAP reduces illicit drug use among worksite employees.
  • D. L. Olds, J. Eckenrode, C.R. Henderson, H. Kitzman, J. Powers, R. Cole, K. Sidora, P. Morris, L. M. Pettitt, and D. Luckey (1997) Long-term effects of home visitation on maternal life course and child abuse and neglect. JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION 278:637-648 (August 27). Documents reduction of drug use rates (and related problems) among 600 women via a two-year series of home visits to improve parenting and home life.
  • M. Peyrot, S. Yen, and C.A. Baldassano (1994) Short-term substance abuse prevention in jail: A cognitive behavioral approach. JOURNAL OF DRUG EDUCATION 24:33-47. Education/skill development (not treatment) program offered on voluntary basis to adult inmates with good disciplinary records who self-report drug use. In effect, these inmates are an indicated population who do not have problem severity sufficient for clinical intervention, using the Institute of Medicine (IOM) classification. Results indicated at least significant attitude change and self-reported behavior change, with variation based on perception of the session leadership, consistency of individual participation, and participant gender.

Federal agencies have appropriate experience to support a young adult prevention initiative.
Within the federal government's Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA), both the Center for Substance Abuse (CSAT) and the Center for Substance Abuse Prevention (CSAP) have maintained programs that can contribute to the goal of effective prevention of drug use among young adults.

  • CSAP currently sponsors cooperative agreements for worksite prevention programs in the managed care environment, primarily directed at adults, as well as grant-funded programs for public sector managed care interventions. The Community Coalition program includes prevention elements targeting problems among adult populations.
  • CSAT has explored techniques for brief interventions, a type of activity that occupies a midrange position between primary prevention and treatment for drug dependence (i.e., an "indicated preventive intervention" in the IOM terminology).
  • Two earlier CSAP programs—the Pregnant and Postpartum Women and Infants Program, and the Community Partnership Program—had components directed toward prevention among adult populations.

In addition, the Higher Education Center (HEC), funded by the U.S. Department of Education, the Fund for the Improvement of Post-Secondary Education (FIPSE) grants, and the prevention programs of the U.S. Department of Defense could provide additional insights into successful preventive interventions among young adults.

Future steps in a federally-supported initiative could include:

  • Conduct a thorough, formal literature search on effective prevention for young adults.
  • Identify appropriate findings on prevention and early intervention among young adults in ongoing SAMHSA knowledge development programs.
  • Confront the lack of rigorous published studies on models of effective prevention among young adults by establishing or modifying cooperative agreements and grants. A good starting point would be the funding of evaluations of ten examples of promising techniques of prevention among young adults in each of the following venues:
    • worksites;
    • colleges, universities, and vocational schools;
    • community-related options, with an emphasis on environmental activities (e.g., driver's license revocation following determination of young adult drug use);
    • resort/holiday communities where police records have established a pattern of young adult drug use in the past;
    • health care systems (including public health department clinics, hospital emergency departments, etc.);
    • the criminal justice system;
    • specialized social service settings frequented by young adults (e.g., local goverment job placement agencies, child protective services, tribal government offices, etc.).
  • Disseminate the information on effective prevention among young adults to the states, to health care systems, to employers, to educational institutions, and to community agencies.

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